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听力原文:M: How did you like our American History class yesterday? W: Well I did enjoy it, but I didn't exactly buy everything Barnum said either. M: You mean his view that the early framers of the constitution really didn’t want democracy as we know it today? W: Well, 'as we know it today' I can accept. But when he states that there was no affinity towards democracy as it was understand then well.., to me this just sounds like historical revisionism. M: Well, surely you have to admit that their concept of democracy was not 'democratic'. After all, many groups including those without land, women, blacks and many others were shut out of participating in the new system. W: Yes, but when we look at what we call democracy today, there are still groups shut out of being able to vote in America, such as children and convicted people. Also, I think it is fair to say that many groups find it still very difficult to participate. So we don't have complete democracy even today. M: Yes, but I think he is basing his arguments on the factual transcripts of the early Founding Fathers realizing that they didn't like to use the term 'democracy' and some even heaped scorn on it. W: Perhaps it was just that the term had a different meaning from the way it is used today. M: But I think it is fair to say that democracy wasn't exactly in fashion. And perhaps it is worthwhile to draw a distinction between liberty and democracy, since the relationship between the two is somewhat blurry. W: But if you are to say that America was not a democracy in the beginning then you might as well say it is not one today either because the structures of federalism, 3 branch government and checks and balances are basically the same as it was over 200 years ago. M: You have a point there, most of the constitution remains intact, and despite the fact that America is much closer to a true democracy than it was even 50 years ago, it's still a fair way from being ideal. W: Right and if you apply the democracy to an ideal you will get nowhere. I wish Barnum was lls~ning to us right now. M: Well, here's your chance to challenge him right now. I see him coming our way. W: Are you joking? I still need to get a decent mark in this course and I'm not doing it by making him angry. (23)
A.
She loved it.
B.
She disagreed with too much of it to enjoy.
C.
She thought it was just so.
D.
She liked the class but disagreed with the Professor.
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【单选题】2018 年 4 月 30 日 , 《人民日报》载文指出 , 尽管目前中美之间贸易摩擦升温 , 但中国既不打算、也没必要通过人民币贬值来寻求所谓的 “ 出口优势 ” 。这是基于 ( ) 1 人民币币值稳定有利于我国经济社会的健康发展 2 中美贸易在我国贸易总量比例逐年下降 3 人民币贬值会导致我国引进的外资质量下降 4 我国经济迈向新高端 , 经济增长的内生动力及质量效益不断提高
A.
. ①③
B.
①④
C.
. ②③
D.
②④
【单选题】1935年12月27日,毛泽东根据瓦窑堡会议决议精神,在党的活动分子会议上做
A.
《论联合政府》
B.
《论解放区战场》
C.
《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》
D.
关于修改党章的报告
【单选题】有人曾用“一个政治基础,两个政党力量,三方力量促成,四个阶级联盟”来评价国共第一次合作,其中,所谓的“一个政治基础”指的就是孙中山的新三民主义。新三民主义之所以成为第一次国共合作的政治基础,主要原因是( )
A.
它与中共民主革命纲领若干原则一致
B.
它适应了时代发展的潮流
C.
它与中共的民主革命纲领完全一致
D.
它与中国共产党的最高纲领一致
【单选题】1935年12月27日,毛泽东根据瓦窑堡会议决议精神,在党的活动分子会议上做( )的报告 。
A.
《论联合政府》
B.
《论解放区战场》
C.
《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》
D.
《关于修改党章的报告》
【单选题】1935年12月27日,毛泽东根据瓦窑堡会议决议精神,在党的活动分子会议上了( )的报告。
A.
《论联合政府》
B.
《论解放区战场》
C.
《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》
D.
《关于修改党章的报告》
【单选题】下列哪项不属于农业生产小额贷款保险的保险责任。( )
A.
自然灾害
B.
盗窃、抢劫
C.
火灾、爆炸
D.
病虫害
【单选题】(2019·东北名校联考)有学者在对《中华民国临时约法》的研究中指出:“所谓分权制衡是双向互动的。揆诸参议员之本意,大概是想操政治上之主动,制人而不受制于人。殊不知这种做法却因与其鼓吹的分权制衡理论不相吻合,不但不能收限制行政首脑之效,反而授人以柄,引起反对派的激烈反对。”作者旨在强调
A.
该法在政体设计上存在缺陷
B.
革命派内部存在着分歧
C.
行政权有效的制约了立法权
D.
政体的选择是因人立法
【单选题】下列哪项不属于农业生产小额贷款保险的保险责任。 ( )
A.
盗窃、抢劫
B.
自然灾害
C.
病虫害
D.
火灾、爆炸
【单选题】1935年12月27日,毛泽东根据瓦窑堡会议的精神,在党的活动分子会议上做了()的报告。
A.
《论联合政府》
B.
《论解放区战场》
C.
《论反对日本帝国主义的策略》
D.
《关于修正党章的报告》
【判断题】法律的有限性和法律的受制约性是法社会学研究的主题。()
A.
正确
B.
错误
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